“Voter Response to Salient Judicial Decisions in Retention Elections.” Forthcoming, Law & Social Inquiry
Even at their most salient, judicial retention elections do not increase turnout on Election Day. However, those who vote often participate in judicial retention races at higher levels than usual following salient judicial decisions. I use a series of difference-in-differences analyses to estimate the effect of the Iowa Supreme Court’s legalization of same-sex marriage on the subsequent retention races. I find that retention race participation was higher than we would have otherwise expected after the decision. Scholars often cite the infrequence with which justices are removed as evidence of justices’ relative independence from voters in retention elections; but the overwhelming retention of these justices does not mean they are independent from voters. Increases in the number of ballots cast in these races is perhaps more important than increases in negative votes when it comes to judicial independence, because each vote is an evaluation of the justices, whether positive or negative.
Even at their most salient, judicial retention elections do not increase turnout on Election Day. However, those who vote often participate in judicial retention races at higher levels than usual following salient judicial decisions. I use a series of difference-in-differences analyses to estimate the effect of the Iowa Supreme Court’s legalization of same-sex marriage on the subsequent retention races. I find that retention race participation was higher than we would have otherwise expected after the decision. Scholars often cite the infrequence with which justices are removed as evidence of justices’ relative independence from voters in retention elections; but the overwhelming retention of these justices does not mean they are independent from voters. Increases in the number of ballots cast in these races is perhaps more important than increases in negative votes when it comes to judicial independence, because each vote is an evaluation of the justices, whether positive or negative.
"Can Racial Diversity Among Judges Affect Sentencing Outcomes?" Under Review
Scholars, politicians, and professionals are interested in understanding how diversity within institutions alters institutional performance. This paper identifies the role that racial diversity among judges plays in state criminal courts. Scholars have noted that Black defendants are more frequently incarcerated than White defendants, even when they are charged with similar crimes. Using felony case data from the Circuit Court of Cook County in Illinois, I explore the relationship between the racial composition of the group of judges comprising the criminal court and individual judges' sentencing decisions. I find that as Black judges increase their representation on the bench, White and Black judges are less likely to render incarceration sentences in cases with Black defendants and White judges are more likely to render incarceration sentences in cases with White defendants. This behavior decreases the Black-White gap in the probability of incarceration by up to 11 percentage-points, nearly closing the incarceration gap, and greatly improving the equality of sentencing outcomes.
Scholars, politicians, and professionals are interested in understanding how diversity within institutions alters institutional performance. This paper identifies the role that racial diversity among judges plays in state criminal courts. Scholars have noted that Black defendants are more frequently incarcerated than White defendants, even when they are charged with similar crimes. Using felony case data from the Circuit Court of Cook County in Illinois, I explore the relationship between the racial composition of the group of judges comprising the criminal court and individual judges' sentencing decisions. I find that as Black judges increase their representation on the bench, White and Black judges are less likely to render incarceration sentences in cases with Black defendants and White judges are more likely to render incarceration sentences in cases with White defendants. This behavior decreases the Black-White gap in the probability of incarceration by up to 11 percentage-points, nearly closing the incarceration gap, and greatly improving the equality of sentencing outcomes.
“Local Public Finance and Discriminatory Policing: Evidence from Traffic Stops in Missouri,” with Elliott Ash and Jeffrey Fagan. Under Review
This paper provides evidence of racial variation in local governments' traffic enforcement responses to budget stress using data from policing agencies in the state of Missouri for the years 2001 through 2014. Like previous studies, we find that local budget stress is associated with higher citation rates. In addition, we find that there is an increase in traffic-stop arrests. However, we find that these effects are concentrated among white (rather than black or Hispanic) drivers. This statistical difference is robust to the inclusion of a range of covariates for traffic stops and to the inclusion of local population features interacted with year. These results are consistent with a model where traffic police selectively target higher-income drivers to compensate for budget stress. Also consistent with this view, we find that the racial difference in citation and arrest rates is highest where the white-to-black income ratio is highest.
This paper provides evidence of racial variation in local governments' traffic enforcement responses to budget stress using data from policing agencies in the state of Missouri for the years 2001 through 2014. Like previous studies, we find that local budget stress is associated with higher citation rates. In addition, we find that there is an increase in traffic-stop arrests. However, we find that these effects are concentrated among white (rather than black or Hispanic) drivers. This statistical difference is robust to the inclusion of a range of covariates for traffic stops and to the inclusion of local population features interacted with year. These results are consistent with a model where traffic police selectively target higher-income drivers to compensate for budget stress. Also consistent with this view, we find that the racial difference in citation and arrest rates is highest where the white-to-black income ratio is highest.
“Support for Black Reparations in the Early 21st Century,” with Michael C. Dawson. Forthcoming, in Reflections on Black Politics in the Early 21st Century. Oxford University Press.